INNOVARE CIENCIA Y TECNOLOGÍA VOL. 11, NO. 2, 2022

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INNOVARE Ciencia y Tecnología

Sitio web: www.unitec.edu/innovare/

Autor corresponsal: aclfernandez01@gmail.com, Universidad Tecnológica Centroamericana, Campus San Pedro Sula

Disponible en: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/innovare.v11i2.14781

Original Article

Political feminization in Latin America: analysis of the discourses of

Castro, Fernández and Rousseff

Feminización política en Latinoamérica: análisis de los discursos de Castro, Fernández y Rousseff

Andrea Camila Fernández

, Ingrid Paola Villalta

, Luis Rodrigo Corea , Luisa Cook Alvarado

Facultad de Ciencias Administrativas y Sociales, Universidad Tecnológica Centroamericana, UNITEC, San Pedro Sula,

Honduras

Article history:

Received: 28 June 2022

Revised: 1 July 2022

Accepted: 7 August 2022

Published: 31 August 2022

Keywords

Latin America

Political discourse

Political feminization

Palabras clave

Latinoamérica

Discurso político

Feminización política

ABSTRACT. Introduction. The development of women in politics allows us to visualize how feminization influences

the Latin American socio-political landscape. The study´s aim was to analyze the political discourses of a current

president and two former presidents: Xiomara Castro from Honduras, Cristina Fernández from Argentina, and Dilma

Rousseff from Brazil. Methods. A qualitative analysis was used by describing and interpreting political discourses and

conducting interviews to experts. Results. Various similarities were evident between the discourses of Xiomara Castro,

Cristina Fernández, and Dilma Rousseff such as the strategies employed in their discourses and the feminization in

them, their most recurrent themes, their position regarding their opposition, among other aspects. Conclusion.

Feminization in Latin American politics still has a long way to go because we live in societies with immutable gender

roles, where masculinity bases persist.

RESUMEN. Introducción. El desenvolvimiento de la mujer dentro de la política permite visualizar cómo la

feminización influencia el panorama sociopolítico latinoamericano. El objetivo de este estudio fue analizar los

discursos políticos de una presidenta actual y dos expresidentas: Xiomara Castro de Honduras, Cristina Fernández de

Argentina y Dilma Rousseff de Brasil. Métodos. Se empleó un análisis cualitativo, describiendo e interpretando los

discursos políticos, así como la realización de entrevistas a expertos. Resultados. Se evidenció varias similitudes entre

los discursos de Xiomara Castro, Cristina Fernández y Dilma Rousseff como ser las estrategias empleadas en sus

discursos y la feminización de estos, sus temas más recurrentes y su posición con respecto a su oposición, entre otras

cosas. Conclusión. La feminización en la política latinoamericana aún tiene un largo camino por recorrer, ya que

vivimos en sociedades con roles de género inmutables, donde persisten las bases masculinas.

1. Introduction

The citizenship of Latin American women was

recognized for the first time in Ecuador in 1929

(Arámbula Reyes & Busto Cervantes, 2008). This was the

first country in the region to distinguish the capacity of

women as political actors. Today, 12 women have been

elected and have held the political position of presidents

in their countries. Although these milestones have marked

history in Latin America, there is still a long way to go.

In Latin America, although it has been reduced,

stereotypes persist that women do not have sufficient

capacity to hold political office. In many cases, women in

politics behave according to "gender performativity",

acquiring a feminine role which, socially, by complying

with masculinist standards, is acceptable. In a certain way,

it helps them rise within political life. This reality

contributed to analyze the political speeches of the

Honduran current president Xiomara Castro and two

former presidents Cristina Fernández and Dilma Rousseff

from Argentina and Brazil, respectively. It is important to

understand whether the population to which their

speeches were directed, their strategies and the topics

used, are influenced by their gender.

2. Methods

This research had a qualitative approach, with an

interpretive nature. The meaning of the speeches of three

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Latin American political figures was described and

analyzed and interviews with experts were conducted.

Regarding the analysis of the context of the countries

of the three figures, the following variables were

considered: events that marked the context of the

candidacy, the main political parties, and the political

opposition. To know the similarities and differences of the

speeches, their recurring themes, the population to whom

they, their strategies, and the position of the political

figure in relation to their opponents were analyzed.

2.1. Data source

The analysis was based on discerning various

documents and previous analyzes of the political and

gender context of Argentina, Honduras, and Brazil, as

well as the political speeches of Cristina Fernández and

Dilma Rousseff. Regarding the discourse of Xiomara

Castro, there are no previous studies carried out in this

regard since her candidacy is recent. Therefore, the data

was based on our own knowledge, and we interviewed a

Honduran expert in women's studies.

Many of the studies of the speeches of Cristina

Fernández and Dilma Rousseff have made a comparison

between both figures. An interview was conducted with

an Argentine expert in political communication and a

consultant in electoral campaigns, who have carried out

studies on Dilma Rousseff's speeches, campaigns, and the

effects on society. The information obtained during the

interviews was compared with what was published in the

literature to ensure consistency between the information

obtained through the interviews and the information

already published.

3. Results

3.1. Political contexts

It is essential to know the political context of the

countries of Cristina Fernández, Dilma Rousseff and

Xiomara Castro. This to better understand the research

topic to be addressed. A country´s political context is

defined as the formation of agents that interfere with the

political collaboration of citizens, which is not limited to

the social and political characteristics of individuals

(Morales Díez de Ulzurrun, 2001). Likewise, the political

context is considered as the history and political culture of

a country. The contexts of Argentina, Brazil and Honduras

show valid similarities, forging a notion that is exposed in

the numerous hardships that multiple Latin American

countries show, with the passing of the years (Table 1).

Table 1

Political contexts of Argentina, Brazil, and Honduras.

Argentina

Brazil

Honduras

Events that

marked the

context of

the

candidacy

-Presidency of Néstor Kirchner, and

the first presidential period of Cristina

Fernández, known as the presidential

marriage.

-Her first proclamations of her are

characterized by her independence,

self-confidence, and extensive

knowledge in economics and politics

(Londoño Zapata et al., 2019).

-The Workers' Party (PT) gained

popularity due to people's

dissatisfaction with the government

of the Brazilian Social Democracy

Party (PSDB).

- Government of Luiz Inácio Lula da

Silva (elected in 2002). Positive

economic results and political-social

projects increased his popularity and

that of his party (PT) (Diniz, 2004).

-The turning point dates to the coup

d'état in 2009 to the government of

Manuel Zelaya Rosales.

-The National Party (PN) rises to

power in the 2013 elections. It was

the winner in elections characterized

by the emergence of new political-

electoral movements.

Main

political

parties

The Front for Victory, the party of

Cristina Fernández and Néstor

Kirchner, is a center-left coalition

(Alcántara, 2018).

-System polarized into two

coalitions: the PT (leftist) and the

PSDB (center-right) (Rome, 2006).

-Two-party system: PN, conservative

right and the Partido Libertad y

Refundación (LIBRE), leftist.

Political

opposition

-Frente Amplio Progresista, a party

led by Hermes Binner, a democratic

and progressive left-wing coalition

Center for Municipal and Provincial

Studies (CEMUPRO, 2011)

-Much of the rivalry between these

parties and their coalitions persists in

the ideological difference (Sousa

Braga et al., 2016).

-The dismemberment of the Liberal

Party gave rise to the bipartisanship

between the PN and LIBRE. In the

2017 elections, the Opposition

Alliance against the Dictatorship

emerged, changing the political

game.

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3.2. Gender in politics

To obtain a different approach to politics, it must be

analyzed using a gender perspective. Lamas (1996) has

established that there is some confusion about what it

means to employ a gender perspective, since many "make

the mistake of thinking that talking about gender, or a

gender perspective is referring to women or the

perspective of the female sex" (p. 4). These are not issues

related only to women, gender affects both women and

men, so it could be said that when a gender perspective is

used, masculinist concepts are left behind and the contexts

are understood from a relationship between both sexes

(Lamas, 1996). It is recognized "...that one thing is sexual

difference, and another thing are the attributions, ideas,

representations and social prescriptions that are

constructed taking that sexual difference as a reference"

(Lamas, 1996, p. 8). When understanding the gender

perspective, it is imperative to analyze politics from this

perspective. Latin American cultures are highly

masculinized and there are many obstacles in the women

political path (Figure 1).

3.3. Political discourse in Latin America

Women in Latin America have gone through various

obstacles to obtain opportunities for representation in the

political sphere of their societies. However, a critical

reflection must be maintained, since, despite the recent

and growing feminization of politics, the entrenched and

reproduced masculinist cult persists, largely due to the

discourses used. To begin to question these practices, it

must be recognized that Latin American societies are

unequal. These inequalities are reproduced in institutions

and in all spheres (Lamas, 1996), even linguistics.

As Aranda (1992) establishes, women provide a

“helpful touch” in politics when they hold office. When

some women come to exercise leadership, they show

characteristics that fall within a feminine act. They are

empathic in the face of interpersonal conflicts and tend to

favor appeasing or peaceful solutions. On the other hand,

authors such as Rettig (2020), McGinley (2009) and

Paredes (1990), point out that when women reach high

positions, they tend to become masculinized. Many times,

they get to "compensate" for their imagined softness and

submission. Regardless of whether women fall on a

feminine or a masculine act, they must fall on gender

performativity in order to be political actors (Fernández

Poncela, 2008). Gender discourse and acts are generators

of power, as described in Figure 2.

In the words of Ferreira (2013) it can be concluded that:

The formal consecration of women's citizenship is

insufficient to achieve effective access to elective

and partisan positions. The social situation of

women, the sexual division of labor, the traditional

exclusion of women from the public sphere, the

prevalence of patriarchal-type family structures,

among many other factors, explain why the formal

recognition of equality is not enough to produce

automatic effective equality (p. 4).

Figure 1. Gender context in Honduras, Brazil, and Argentina.

Law of Quotas

Argentina: 1991, Brazil: 1995, Honduras: 2000

Honduras. Women´s suffrage was

won in 1955. Women´s social

standing, their political exclusion,

the sexual division of labor and

masculinists structures explain that

the recognition of formal equality

was not enough to achieve it.

Argentina. Women vote for the first

time in 1951. Law N°13.010

established that women would have

equal political rights, obligations,

and standing to those of men.

Despite the existence of the Law of

Quotas, female candidates are

placed last. Candidates with more

chances to be elected must handle

the totality of their office because a

party may be able to win all of

them.

Brazil. Feminist movements see the

State as a starting point for action.

Despite the Law of Quotas, men still

dominate politics. Political party

structures are an obstacle for the

feminization of politics because of

their weak institutionalism.

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Figure 2. Representation of gender performativity in terms of power.

3.4. Similarities and differences between the political

speeches of the electoral campaign of Cristina

Fernández, Dilma Rousseff and Xiomara Castro

The recurring themes in Cristina Fernández's speeches

were based on the achievements obtained during the

presidency of her husband, Néstor Kirchner. This was her

strategy, so consequently, her speech was directed at her

sympathizers, and at the middle class. In the case of Dilma

Rousseff, her recurring themes were based on exposing

her personal profile and her competence, and on

continuing projects, addressing both Lula da Silva's

supporters and her biggest critics. The continuity of Lula

da Silva and adapting to gender performativity were the

strategies used by her.

Xiomara Castro's speech included recurring themes

around the fight against corruption, and repeal of the

Employment and Economic Development Zones

(ZEDES). Her strategies were based on populism,

referring to the results and background during the

presidency of her husband, Manuel Zelaya, and other

similarities observed in other Latin American countries

with leftist tendencies (Table 2).

Regarding how the gender stereotype influenced

political speeches, Xiomara Castro appealed to the

message of empowering women, seeking labor

impartiality, and reducing the degree of impunity for

violence against women. Cristina Fernández questioned

gender roles through advertising spots, especially after the

death of her husband, Néstor Kirchner, where opposition

media portrayed her as a weak woman incapable of

holding office without the help of her spouse.

Dilma Rousseff showed herself as a female with a

strong and rigid bearing, characteristics that were

criticized and that resulted in a reformulation of her

image, later appearing with a more charismatic

countenance. Dilma Rousseff was even considered as the

mother of Brazil by the media. However, even though

these three presidential candidates presented an image of

female empowerment, a recurring theme in their political

speeches was always the reminder that there was a male

figure who supported and reinforced her candidacy

(Figure 3).

4. Discussion

Political discourse is the imminent tool used by any

political character within the global context. It is the

optimal way to transmit its promises and ideologies to the

population. This discourse has become the seed of an

electoral process to reach a resolution and safeguard social

welfare. Within our study, each presidential speech

represented the rise to power of female politicians in their

respective states. The strategies used by the presidents

were to discredit their main opposition, position their

image and figure as the representation of continuity and

the improvement of the projects and policies of their main

backers: male figures.

As a common denominator in the speeches of the three

presidents, we can highlight the fact that all of them, in

economic and social aspects, highlight positive aspects

that occurred during the presidency of the men who

supported them: Néstor Kirchner, in the case of Cristina

Fernández, Lula da Silva, in the case of Dilma Rousseff

and Manuel Zelaya, in the case of Xiomara Castro. This

appealed to the continuation of the policies and projects

of his previous co-religionist.

There is a diverse variation of the methodology

undertaken by Cristina Fernández, Dilma Rousseff and

Xiomara Castro to the segments of their population. The

Honduran population that voted for Castro was mostly

characterized by a lower-middle class population and was

driven by the young segment that supported his

presidential appointee, Salvador Nasralla. These

populations were the same to which his speeches were

addressed. A similar case was that of Dilma Rousseff,

who adapted her speeches and personality according to the

conservative and middle class of Brazil, targeting a

popular segment already benefited by Lula da Silva's

economic model, promising her continuity in the

campaign.

Defies

gender

norms

Reinforces

gender

norms

Reinforces

gender

norms

Power nucleus

Defies

Gender

norms

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Table 2

Similarities and differences between political speeches.

Candidate

Cristina Fernández

Dilma Rousseff

Xiomara Castro

Political

discourse

recurring

themes

-Achievements obtained during the

presidency of Néstor Kirchner and

his first presidential term: economic

expansion, energy subsidies,

transportation, public services, and a

universal assistance program for

citizens in poverty called Universal

Child Allowance-AUH (Cherny,

2011).

-His profile and competence: to

convince the population that he did

have the technical skills and

suitable personal profile.

-Infrastructure and political-social

projects: proposals for the

organization of the basic system,

and new and continuing projects of

Lula da Silva (Panke, 2015).

-Combat corruption and impunity.

-Economy: on the economic indicators

that had reached worrying levels.

-Tax matters and labor market: open

more job opportunities.

-Zones of Employment and Economic

Development (ZEDES): repeal of this

law.

Population to

whom the

political

discourse is

directed

-Sympathizers of Peronism: Kirchner

represented a Peronist movement,

under the name of Front for Victory.

-Middle class: direct beneficiaries in

economic matters under the

Kirchnerist policy, who enjoyed a

stable exchange rate.

Expert 1

-Popular sector: population

satisfied with the economic

situation under the Lula

government.

-Most conservative and middle-

class sector: most critical of its

ability, so it resorted to

demonstrating its profile and skills,

and discrediting the competition.

Expert 2

-Low- and middle-class segment of

the population: speeches aimed at the

country's working class, promising to

eradicate the discouraging figures and

removing the country from the lists of

the most unequal nations in the

Western Hemisphere. It also targeted

the unemployed segment of the

population.

Expert 3

Political

discourse

strategies

-Continuity of the legacy of stability

and economic prosperity, under the

government of Néstor Kirchner. This

was reflected in his speeches,

television spots, storytelling, among

others.

Expert 1

-Continuity of the Lula

government, being the greatest

guarantee of it.

-Gender performativity to mold the

image of him in the “mother” of

Brazil (Lula being the “father”).

-Discredit the main opposition in its

televised propaganda.

Expert 2

-Populism.

-References to the background and

results of her husband, Manuel

Zelaya, during his government period.

-Discursive similarities with other

Latin American countries with

moderate and progressive leftist

tendencies.

Expert 3

Position in

relation to

political

opponent

-Hermes Binner obtained the lowest

percentage of votes recorded by

opposition candidates, in the last ten

elections in the history of Argentina.

Kirchner faced a fragmented, weak,

and poorly positioned opposition.

Panke et al., 2015 and Expert 1

-José Serra of the Brazilian Social

Democracy Party was the main

opponent.

-Both used speeches of continuity

to the government of Lula da Silva.

-None were charismatic, so, by

themselves, they were not good on

campaign.

Expert 2

-The National Party was his biggest

opposition, being the face of this

Nasry Asfura, better known as “Daddy

to order”.

-He was charged with embezzlement

of public funds and money laundering

in 2021.

-Campaign based on proposing

improvements in the educational

system, health, development, and

infrastructure.

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Figure 3. Feminization of political discourse

Cristina Fernández, of the three presidential candidates,

had the most solid base of voters. Likewise, similar to

Rousseff, she endorsed the results and favored by the

economic model that Kirchnerism had brought.

Cristina Fernández, Dilma Rousseff, and Xiomara

Castro used the strategy used of the results obtained by the

male figure represented in their electoral campaign. Dilma

Rousseff used as a basis the economic stability obtained

by the policies employed by Lula da Silva. Xiomara

Castro appealed to the positive data under the presidency

of her husband, Manuel Zelaya. Cristina Fernández made

a call to the achievements obtained since the presidency

of her husband, Néstor Kirchner, emphasizing how she

would continue using similar economic policies, hoping

to obtain better or equal results.

Cristina Fernández, Dilma Rousseff and Xiomara

Castro used a male figure to give greater credibility, and

reinforce, in the case of Cristina Fernández, her position

as a woman by opting for a high political position such as

the presidency. In the Latin American region, the presence

of a man in politics is not questioned as critically as the

presence of a woman. Of the three political speeches

analyzed, the change in the strategy used by Dilma

Rousseff in her electoral campaign in 2010 stands out.

Before starting her campaign, she was perceived by

Brazilians as a woman, although competent for the

position, but very cold, rigid, and hard (Dantas, 2019).

Dilma Rousseff had to adjust her political discourse to

anew character that was maternal, likeable, accessible,

and feminine. Together with Lula da Silva's constant

support and approval, she had a greater chance of being

victorious in the electoral contest. Although this is an

example that stands out within the speeches analyzed, it

does not mean that it is the only one. This practice of

conforming to gender roles, using gender performativity

to approach power, is used by many people globally.

Regarding their political opposition, Dilma Rousseff,

and Cristina Fernández did not have the same magnitude

of opposition, as was the case of Xiomara Castro in

Honduras. Both won their respective elections with a wide

margin and with massive popular support (Carletta, 2011;

Tribunal Superior Electoral, 2011) due to different

coalitions presented in Argentina and Brazil that ended up

weakening electoral resistance. On the contrary, Xiomara

Castro showed more difficulties regarding her political

opposition; she went through two unsuccessful electoral

campaigns and a series of alliances to gain popular

support. Finally, she achieved victory in 2021, favored by

the punishment vote of the population against the National

Party, which had been in power for 12 years generating

national discontent with corruption scandals linked to

organized crime (Morazán, 2021).

In the feminization of political discourse, the fact that

both Xiomara Castro and Dilma Rousseff sheltered under

the image of a man to reinforce and give credibility to her

candidacy stands out. In the case of Cristina Fernández,

she used the death of her husband as a base strategy. These

men were key in the political speeches of the electoral

Presence of a masculine figure in their respective political discourse

Xiomara Castro. Discourse was

centered on women’s empowerment,

lowering femicides, and increasing

labor equality. Presented herself as the

“mother” of Hondurans. Discourse

also revolved around destroying the

stereotype of a male president. Expert

Cristina Fernández. Néstor Kirchner’s

death created ideal conditions for a

new public image. The opposition

portrayed her as a fragile woman,

incapable and lonely, which put her

abilities in question. Challenged

gender stereotypes and the role

women are supposed to play in society

(Pérez, 2019). Despite her theme of

strength, TV spots aired images of her

husband as a communication strategy

with a personal plea. Expert 1

Dilma Rousseff. Strong public image

because of her political career.

Recognized as a competent technocrat,

which characterized her as rigid and

uncharismatic. Adapted her image to

one more “suitable” for women in

politics; more feminine and

approachable which cast her as the

“mother” of Brazil. Expert 2

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campaign of the three women candidates. Likewise, it is

worth highlighting the fact that, although Xiomara Castro

and Dilma Rousseff share the strategy of sticking to

gender performativity, which allowed them to climb the

power game by showing themselves to be charismatic and

maternal. In the case of Cristina Fernández, she was not

questioned for being a woman with a strong and

egocentric personality and she did not have to apply any

gender strategy in her political discourse. Cristina

Fernández limited herself to resorting to the motto of

strength as a synonym for female empowerment.

In contrast to Dilma Rousseff, gender aspects in

politics occurred very differently with Cristina Fernández

and Xiomara Castro in Argentina and Honduras,

respectively. Cristina Fernández, for example, should not

have resorted to adapting to gender regulations to

monopolize the vote of a greater percentage of the

population. She was always seen, from her time as deputy

and senator between 1989 and 1995, as a rigid, pragmatic,

and even egocentric woman before the media. These

qualities did not affect her electoral campaign.

In the case of Xiomara Castro, she did not have to

resort to adapting her image and person to gender roles as

such for being the wife of Manuel Zelaya, former

president of Honduras and the face of the Libre political

party. She was never seen as a strong figure or "out of the

norm and expected" for a woman. Xiomara Castro, in her

2021 electoral campaign, was questioned only because of

her technical abilities to hold the position of president. She

was not questioned on gender grounds.

5. Conclusion

Latin American politics include a predominant

dominance of masculinist culture, as the only

stereotypically accepted national leading figures. The

vigorous image of men in politics has become a daily

cycle, relegating women with political aspirations to the

need to adapt to the standards imposed by society. Despite

the progress shown within the region in recent years, there

is a prevalent overwhelming inequity within the political

arena, with the number of women parliamentarians or in

high positions in government administrations becoming

increasingly scarce. A predominant phenomenon in the

three political discourses studied is that of societies with

immutable gender roles. Despite the positive results of the

political speeches of the three presidents analyzed, the

masculinist bases continue to vibrate. This indicates that

the feminization of politics still has a long way to go.

6. Author Contributions

AF, IV and LC designed the study and collected the

data. LCA supervised the study and advised the co-

authors. All authors read and approved the final version of

the manuscript.

7. Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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